Paparan Korupsi Karangsari Rp 5 Miliar, Libatkan Atut Chosiyah dan Ayahnya SETELAH 3 tahun, kasus dugaan korupsi pengadaan lahan Karangsari senilai Rp 5 miliar, berkas perkaranya tak kunjung ke Pengadilan Negeri Serang untuk mendapatkan keadilan.Padahal kasus ini menjadi sorotan masyarakat karena diduga kuat melibatkan Atut Chosiyah, Plt Gubernur Banten dan sang ayah tercinta, Chasan Sochib serta pejabat teras di lingkungan Pemprov Banten dan Pemkab Pandeglang.
Kasus ini dilaporkan ke Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK), Kejaksaan Agung, Kejaksaan Tinggi (Kejati) Banten dan Kepolisian Daerah (Polda) Banten pada tahun 2003. Pelaporannya adalah Lembaga Advokasi Masalah Publik (LAMP).
Kejaksaan Tinggi (Kejati) Banten memang sudah menetapkan tersangka atas kasus ini, Tantan yang menjabat Pimpro. Namun Atut Chosiyah dan Chasan Sochib tak pernah dimintai keterangan tentang kasus ini yang menggunakan APBD tahun 2002, sehingga berkas perkara itu tidak pernah lengkap dan tidak memenuhi syarat untuk dilimpahkan ke pengadilan.
Kepala Kejati Banten, Kemal Sofyan Nasution melalui Asisten Pengawasannya, AF Basyuni, penyebab tersendat-sendatnya penyelidikan kasus Karangsari adalah terdapat perbedaan antara hasil perhitungan kerugian negara oleh auditor dari Badan Pemeriksa Keuangan dan Pembangunan (BPKP) dengan Kejati Banten. Versi BPKP menyebutkan angka Rp 5 miliar, sesuai dengan nomenklatur di APBD. Sedangkan Kejati Banten berpegang teguh pada Rp 3,5 miliar karena hanya uang itu yang digunakan untuk membebaskan lahan Karangsari.
Hasil pemeriksaan BPK maupun BPKP memang menyebutkan angka Rp 5,14 miliar, sesuai dengan besaran anggaran yang tercantum dalam APBD 2002. Di antaranya untuk pembebasan lahan Karangsari Rp 3,5 miliar. Namun sisanya, Rp 1,64 miliar juga menjadi temuan BPK dan BPKP karena tak ada pelaksanaan proyek pelebaran jalan itu.
Sebenarnya, Dengan temuan BPK dan perhitungan BPKP itu, Kejati Banten justru mendapatkan dua perkara. Pertama, perkara dugaan korupsi pengadaan lahan Karangsari Rp 3,5 miliar. Kedua, perkara dugaan korupsi pelaksanaan pelebaran Jalan Raya Serang-Pandeglang tahun 2002 yang dinilai tidak dilaksanakan. Kenyataannya, kasus ini terkatung-katung hingga 3 tahun lebih.
UNTUK mengetahui lebih lanjut, berikut ini kronologis peristiwa kasus lahan Karangsari yang telah menjadi fenomena aneh bagi pemberantasan korupsi di ranah Banten. Kronologis ini hasil dari Tim Investigasi Bantenlink.com yang menyarikan dari fotokopi dokumen-dokumen terkait Karangsari dan sumber-sumber terpercaya yang menguatkan keabsahan dokumen tersebut.
Awalnya.Lahan Karangsari yang diributkan telah menjadi objek korupsi berada di Kampung Karangasari, Desa Sukarame, Kecamatan Labuan (sebelum dimekarkan menjadi Carita), Kabupaten Pandeglang. Tanah ini milik Omo Sudarma bin Kamdani dengan luas 28.372 m2 (2,83) hektare dengan nomor sertifikat 17.
4 Januari 1997Pemerintah Kabupaten (Pemkab) Pandeglang membayar tanah Karangsari milik Omo Sudarmo. Ini sesuai keterangan Karna Suwanda yang waktu itu sebagai Bupati Pandeglang. Keterangan Karna dikuatkan oleh Omo Sudarma sendiri dalam suratnya bertanggal 4 Januari 1997 yang ditujukan kepada Bupati Pandeglang. Tanah Omo yang dibeli Pemkab seluas 22.000 m2 dari 22.460 m2. Omo mengaku hanya memiliki sisa tanah 400 m2. Pemkab menjadikan lahan sebagai objek wisata yang menghasilan pendapatan asli daerah (PAD) melalui retribusi parkir dan wisatawan.
2 Juni 1997.Omo Sudarma melaporkan kehilangan dokumen sertifikat No.17 sesuai dengan laporannya kepada polisi No.SLBKS 35/VI/1997. Kehilangan dokumen ini diumumkan di media massa dan lembaran negara pada 19 Juni-25 Juli 1997.
14 Agustus 1997Omo Sudarma mengajukan surat permohonan sertifikat pengganti.
13 Oktober 1997Kantor Pertanahan Pandeglang menyatakan arsip sertifikat no.17 hilang dari kantor itu. Kemudian sertifikat diganti dengan No.690 pada tanggal 13 Oktober 1997 dan masih atas nama Omo, meskipun 22.000 m2 sudah dibayar oleh Pemkab Pandeglang, milik Omo hanya 460 m2.
25 Juli 2000Dadan Sudarma, anak tertua Omo Sudarma mengirimkan surat kepada Bupati Pandeglang yang berisi meminta sertifikat No.690 dipecah dan tanah yang masih milik Omo seluas 460 m2 agar dipisahkan dari sertifikat itu. Sedangkan tanah milik Pemkab Pandeglang hanya 22.000 m2. Berdasarkan surat ini Kantor Pertanahan Pandeglang memecah surat ukur tanah sertifikat nomor 690 dengan nomor surat ukur No.71 dengan luas 22.000 m2 dan No.72 dengan luas 460 m2.
5 Mei 2001Pemkab Pandeglang mengajukan hak pengelolaan atas tanah Karangsari, setelah 4 tahun mengabaikan proses administrasi jual beli antara Omo dan Pemkab Pandeglang.
6 Mei 2001Kepala Kantor Pertanahan Pandeglang, Supartawidjaja menyatakan, permohonan itu masih diproses. Hingga sekarang sertifikat hak pengelolaan itu tidak pernah diterbitkan, tanpa ada penjelasan resmi.
Juni-Juli 2001Pemkab Pandeglang melakukan musyawarah sebanyak 5 kali dengan keluarga Omo Sudarma untuk menyelesaikan sengketa tanah Karangsari. Dalam pertemuan ini, Omo tidak pernah hadir dengan alasan sakit dan diwakilkan kepada anaknya, Dadan. Pemkab Pandeglang menawarkan sisa tanah Omo dibeli dengan harga Rp 70 juta yang akan diambil dari APBD Pandeglang. Namun janji Pemkab Pandeglang ini tidak pernah ditepati.
12 Agustus 2001Terjadi musyawarah di Kantor Pertanahan Pandeglang yang dihadiri antara lain AM Siagian (wakil Chasan Sochib), Dadan (anak Omo) dan pejabat kantor pertanahan. Dalam pertemuan itu, pejabat Kantor Pertanahan Pandeglang mengatakan, tanah Karangsari sedang dalam sengketa, sehingga disarankan Chasan Sochib tidak melakukan jual beli atas tanah tersebut.
15 Agustus 2001Omo Sudarma melalui anaknya, Dadan nekad menjual tanah itu kepada Chasan Sochib, pengusaha dan tokoh Banten sesuai dengan surat perjanjian jual beli No.01/SP/VI/2001 tanggal 23 Juni 2001. Harga keseluruhan Rp 1,2 miliar. Surat perjanjian jual beli ini ditandatangani pihak pertama Dadan Sudarma (anak dan pihak kedua Chasan Sochib. Saksinya adalah Santubi bin Jasim, AM Siagian dan Joko Soemito.
20 Agustus 2001.Perjanjian jual beli antara Omo dan Chasan Sochib dituangkan dalam akta notaris yang dibuat notaris Steven Irianto Sitorus yang kantornya Jalan Mayor Syafei No.14 Serang dengan nomor akta 4. Saat pembuatan akta, Chasan Sochib membayar sisa pembelian tanah Rp 950 juta.
Agustus 2001Karena tidak tercapai kesepakatan, Pemkab Pandeglang mengajukan gugatan ke Pengadilan Negeri Pandeglang dengan tergugat Omo Sudarma, Chasan Sochib dan Kantor Pertanahan Pandeglang. Gugatan itu terdaftar sebagai perkara No.14/Pdt.G/2001/PN.Pdg. Di tengah persidangan, Chasan Sochib melakukan gugatan intervensi dengan mendaftarkan perkara No.20/Pdt.G/2001.Pdg dengan tergugat masing-masing Pemkab Pandeglang, Kantor Pertanahan Pandeglan dan Omo Sudarma.
11 November 2001Kedua perkara ini sudah mencapai tahap duplik. Majelis hakim yang menyidangkan perkara ini menyarankan agar dilakukan pejanjian damai atau vandading.
31 Januari 2002terjadi akta vandading di Pengadilan Negeri Pandeglang yang atas perkara perdata No.14 dan No.22/Pdt.G/2001/PN.Pdg. Perjanjian itu antara Chasan Sochib, Pemkab Pandeglang, Omo Sudarma bin Kamdani dan Kantor Badan Pertanahan Nasional (lembaga ini berubah nama dari Kantor Pertanahan menjadi Badan Pertanahan Nasional). Akta ini ditandatangani Chasan Sochib, Pemkab Pandeglang yang terdiri dari Sory Harkany, Rulliansyah, Agus Kurniawan,Tri Mariani, HD Sukendar, Sukran, Agus Hidayat, Agus Mintono. Pihak Omo Sudarma diwakili kuasa hukumnya Thomas Ahsudiniah dan Cuhori. Dari BPN Pandeglang ditandatangani Supartawijaya. Akta in diketahui Ketua Pengadilan Negeri Pandeglang, Ida Purwanti, Wakil Ketua Pandeglang Aat Suprawijaya. Kolom GubernurBanten itu kosong, tidak terdapat nama dan tangan. Anehnya, meski kosong, soal dana Rp 3,5 miliar yang disebut-sebut sebagai penggantian pemerintah kepada Chasan Sochib justru diharuskan menjadi tanggung jawab Pemprov Banten. Padahal dalam proses vandading pun, secara resmi Pemprov Banten tidak pernah terlibat.
5 Januari 2002Kepala DPU Banten Irawan Kostaman usul peningkatan Jalan Raya Serang-Pandeglang dengan nilai Rp 5,14 miliar. Usulan ini tidak menyebutkan pembebasan lahan Karangsari, yang lokasinya dan fungsi lahannya tidak ada kaitan apa-apa dengan pelebaran jalan utama tersebut.
7 Januari 2002Bupati Pandeglang, Achmad Dimyati Natakusumah mengirimkan surat ke Gubernur Banten No.180/03-Huk/2002 berisi mohon peningkatan jalan dan pembebasan lahan Karangsari.
8 Januari 2002.Sekda Pemprov Banten, Chaeron Muchsin mendisposisikan surat surat Bupati Pandeglang ke Asda II, Bapeda, Dinas PU, Kabiro Ekbang dan instansi terkait lainnya. Dalam disposisi No.925 tertulis agar diindahkan sesuai arahan Wakil Gubernur Banten yang waktu itu dijabat Atut Chosiyah.
28 Februari 2002DPRD Banten mensahkan APBD Banten 2002 dengan Perda No.1/2002. Di dalamnya terdapat proyek peningkatan jalan provinsi Serang-Pandeglang dengan kode 2P.0.06.1.02.0.15. Kepala Biro Ekbang Pemprov Banten, Djoni Trijana membuat lembaran kerja dan petunjuk operasional (LK/PO) yang memasukan pembebasan lahan Karangsari. Padahal item itu tidak tercantum dalam usulan Dinas PU Banten, dan lahannya tidak pernah berkaitan apa-apa dengan pelebaran jalan provinsi.
20 Maret 2002Chasan Sochib menagih janji ke Bupati Pandeglang soal pelunasan kompensasi Karangsari Rp 3,5 miliar yang diharapkan dilunasi tanggal 25 Maret 2002. Surat ditembuskan ke Gubernur Banten, Ketua DPRD Pandeglang, Ketua PN Pandeglang dan Kejaksaan Negeri Pandeglang.
20-21 Maret 2002Kepala Dinas PU Banten, Irawan Kostaman (kini Asda II Pemprov Banten) menandatangani daftar isian proyek daerah (Dipda), LKO/PO, meski nomenklatur dengan isi tidak sesuai dalam soal pembebasan lahan Karangsari. Nilainya Rp 5,14 miliar, di antaranya Rp 3,5 miliar untuk pembebasan lahan Karangsari yang lokasinya di pantai Carita. Sedangkan Jalan Raya Serang-Pandeglang tidak pernah bersentuhan dengan tanah tersebut.
1 April 2002Pengesahan Dipda Proyek Peningkatan Jalan Provinsi Serang-Pandeglang No.915/Kep-65/2002.
8 April 2002Pimpro Lahan Karangsari, Tjep Tantan Rustandie menyerahkan dan ke Pemkab Pandeglang dengan nota Kepala Biro Ekbang,Djoni Trijana No.912/25-Ekbang/2002. Berita acara penyerahan ini No.932/02/BA/SP/IV/2002. Berita acara ini ditandatangani Tjep Tantan Rustandie, pimpro dan Mudjio A Satari, Wakil Bupati Pandeglang serta mengetahui Ny Rt Atut Chosiyah, Wakil Gubernur Banten.
11 April 2002Terbit surat perintah membayar uang (SPMU) No.932/Keu-18/PT/2002 yang mentransfer uang dari kas Pemprov Banten ke kas Pemkab Serang Nomor rekening 20.201 di Bank Pembangunan Daerah (BPD) Jawa Barat.
15 April 2002Bendahara Keuangan Pemkab Pandeglang, Lukman Hakim Y mentransfer uang ke rekening Chasan Sochib No.0700010001987 di BPD Jabar. Berita acara pelunasan dibuat di PN Pandeglang yang ditandatangani Mudjio A Satiri, Chasan Sochib dan Ketua Pengadilan Negeri Pandeglang, Ida Purwanti.
10 Juli 2002Sekda Pemprov Banten, Chaeron Muchsin menegur Bupati Pandeglang melalui surat No.593.8/2727-PU/2002 karena kewajiban Pemkab Pandeglang tidak dipenuhi, berkaitan dengan dana untuk Lahan Karangsari.
13 Desember 2002Sekda Banten kembali menegur Bupati Pandeglang melalui surat no.900.04/08-PU/2002. Karena tahun anggaran 2002 akan berakhir dan bisa menyebabkan kesulitan Pemprov banten untuk menyusun laporan pertanggung jawaban (LPJ) APBD 2002.
17 Februari 2003Badan Pemeriksa Keuangan (BPK) melakukan pemeriksaan pelaksanaan APBD 2002 pada semester II. Dalam hasil pemeriksaan No.II/S/XIV-1-XIV1.2/02/2003 disebutkan, pemberian kompensasi ke pihak ketiga menyalahi ketentuan. Hasil pemeriksaan ini juga menyebut-sebut keterlibatan tokoh dan pengusaha Banten yang diinisialkan CH, serta anaknya yang menjabat Wakil Gubernur Banten yang diinisialkan dengan RT. Disebutkan juga soal adanya indikasi korupsi, kolusi dan nepotisme (KKN) yang menimbulkan kerugian negara.
31 Maret 2003Sekda Pemprov Banten, Chaeron Muchsin memberikan surat keterangan ke BPK yang menyebutkan, Pemprov akan mengupayakan Pandeglang menyerahkan sebagian lahan Karangsari sebagai aset Pemprov Banten untuk menutupi kerugian negara yang ditimbulkan dalam soal pemberian bantuan kepada pihak ketiga.
September 2003Direktur Eksekutif LSM LAMP, Suhada melaporkan dugaan KKN ke KPK dan Kejaksaan Agung. Laporan ini disertai dokumen yang lengkap, termasuk hasil temuan BPK.
1 April 2004Ketua BPK, Billy Budihardjo Joedono mengirimkan surat No.0354.VI/BPK/2003 ke Kejaksaan Agung RI. Antara lain minta lembaga ini mengusut dugaan KKN dalam pengadaan lahan Karangsari. BPK menggunakan inisial CH yang ditegaskan sebagai ayahnya RT, Wakil Gubernur Banten.
29 April 2004Wakil Gubernur Banten, Ny Atut Chosiyah mengundang seluruh pejabat terkait lahan parkir Karangsari. Sesuai dengan undangan acara itu dilaksanakan tanggal 5 Mei 2004 di Pendopo Gubernur Bantren, pukul 09.00 WIB.
24 Juni 2004Bupati Pandeglang, Achmad Dimyati Natakusumah mengirimkan surat ke Pemprov Banten No.590/560-Pem/2004 yang isinya akan menyelesaikan administrasi Karangsari.
9 Juli 2004Sekda Banten kembali menagih janji Bupati Pandeglang soal Karangsari.
19 Agustus 2004Sekda Banten kembali menagih Karansari, sekaligus minta Bupati Pandeglang mengembalikan uang jika tidak bisa memenuhi administrasi yang diperlukan.
24 Desember 2004Ketua DPRD Kabupaten Pandeglang, HM Acang mengirimkan surat No.172.2/612-DPRD/2004 ke Bupati Pandeglang yang minta dana kompensasi Karangsari dikeluarkan dari Rencana Anggaran Pendapatan Belanja Daerah (RAPBD) tahun 2005. Sebelumnya, Bupati Pandeglang memasukan usulan pembebasan lahan Karangsari Rp 3,5 miliar untuk mengganti uang dari Pemprov Banten karena tidak bisa memenuhi syarat administrasi yang diminta Pemprov Banten.
Catatan selama 2004. Berbagai organisasi kemasyarakatan (Ormas) dan LSM, aktivis dan elemen masyarakat lainnya terus mendesak agar Kejaksaan Tinggi Banten mengusut dugaan korupsi Karangsari. Bagi mereka, kasus ini sangat jelas duduk persoalannya, dan jelas pula unsur korupsi, kolusi dan nepotisme (KKN), termasuk bukti-bukti dokumen dan indikasi rekayasa atas proyek pelebaran jalan Serang-Pandeglang terlalu kuat untuk diabaikan.LSM, Ormas dan aktivis ini kembali melaporkan kasus ini ke KPK, Kejaksaan Agung, Polri, Polda Banten dan Kejati Banten. Aksi demo pun sempat digelar di sana.
Catatan selama 2005. Awal tahun, Kejati Banten menyatakan kasus Karangsari ditingkatkan statusnya dari penyelidikan ke penyidikan. Kejaksaan telah menetapkan tersangka, Tjep Tantan Rustandie, Pimpro pengadaan lahan Karangsari. Namun pihak yang terlibat lainnya seperti Atut chosiyah, Mudjio A satari, Achmad Dimyati Natakusumah, Djoni Trijana, Irawan Kostaman, Chaeron Muchsin, Chasan Sochib, Dadan bin Omo Sudarma, Aat Suprawijaya - tidak jelas statusnya dan tidak pernah dimintai keterangan apa pun.Kembali LSM, Ormas dan aktivis di Banten melaporkan dan mendesak kasus Karangsari segera dituntaskan agar memberikan kepastian hukum di ranah Banten.
Februari 2006Kasus ini tidak ada kemajuan, dalam pengertian tidak ada pemeriksaan apa pun terhadap mereka. AF Basyunie, Aswas Kejati Banten sekaligus ketua tim perkara ini menyatakan terdapat perbedaan perhitungan kerugian negara antara lembaganya dengan auditor BPKP. (sumber: Bantenlink.com) Diposkan oleh Chasan Sochib Dinasti
Rabu, 24 Desember 2008
Sang Gubernur Jendral
Chasan Sochib: Aku Gubernur Jenderal
‘I am the governor general’ says local boss H.Tb. Chasan Sochib. He is a peculiar (or typical) type of local boss in decentralized Indonesia. How and why did he become so powerful?
By Okamoto Masaaki
Six years have passed since Soeharto’s fall paved the way for democratisation; three since Habibie’s rise opened the door to decentralization. While researchers have addressed local politics and decentralization in post-Suharto Indonesia, few have concentrated on the political dynamics and structures of any one locality. We have a general picture of regents (bupati) and mayors (walikota) behaving like ‘small kings’ (raja kecil) and local politicians desperate on bupati/walikota for money, but these do not provide a clear picture about who controls political and economic resources or how this takes place within the institutional setting of the regional autonomy law. The following sections trace the economic and political rise of one local boss in the Banten area: H.Tb. Chasan Sochib.
The New Order in Banten
The Banten area, previously a part of West Java province, is comprised of Serang, Lebak, Pandeglang and Tangerang regencies and the cities of Cilegon and Tangerang. The north is the rich industrial area while the south is poor and agricultural. The New Order regime in Banten cemented the ethnic divide between rulers and the ruled, which had its roots in the Dutch colonial period. Mainly Sundanese hold the important administrative and military positions of bupati, regional secretary and district military commander.
Bantenese informal leaders – Islamic teachers (ulama) and local strongmen (jawara) – were co opted into the political machines of the governing party, Golkar, in the early 1970s. In 1971 ulama were organized into the Ulama Work Squad (SatKar Ulama). Local Jawara were organized into the Martial Artist Work Squad (SatKar Pendekar) in 1972, renamed the Indonesian Union of Bantenese Men of Martial Arts, Art and Culture (PPPSBBI). Jawara are men of prowess in traditional selfdefence (silat) and wear black uniforms and carry machetes.
In Banten jawara are culturally recognized as robust and often reckless criminal types. The one hundred twenty- two PPPSBBI-affiliated silat schools in Banten were mobilized to support Golkar during the election, alongside the military and police. Chasan Sochib was the jawara who became the SatKar Pendekar’s general chairman and one of the executive committee members of the SatKar Ulama. He could act as a bridge between the military, bureaucracy and Golkar, and the Banten informal world. According to Chasan Sochib, three thousand jawara serve him and are on standby at all times.
Product of the New Order
Chasan Sochib was born in Serang regency in 1930. He attended Islamic boarding schools before joining a guerrilla warfare unit during the revolutionary period. His working life began in 1967, providing logistical support to the Siliwangi military division. Two years later he founded a construction company, PT Sinar Ciomas Raya, which frequently won government tenders for road and market construction projects. His involvements spread to the Krakatau Steel State Company, the largest steel company in Southeast Asia, and into tourism and real estate while holding key positions in associations such as the Regional and Central Chambers of Commerce and Trade (Kadin) and the Indonesian National Contractors’ Association (Gapensi), putting his men on their local executive committees. Certifications from Kadin and Gapensi are necessary for government procurement. Chasan Sochib utilized this to coordinate projects in theBanten area. Coordination brought him more money; jawara under his control became his (sub) contractors and received a share of his profits.
Chasan Sochib’s activities are not limited to the jawara and business worlds. One of the founders of a private university and the Banten Museum, he remains the head of the Serang branch of Generation ‘45 (the committee for exindependent war fighters). He has become powerful in all aspects of Bantenese life; thus outsiders appointed as top bureaucrats relied on him and his network as a bridge to the Bantenese world. The fall of Suharto in May 1997 changed this informal governing system. Chasan Sochib, product of the New Order, was endangered.
Birth of the reformed Chasan Sochib The Reformasi echoed in Banten. Students mounted a nationwide protest movement against Suharto and his regime, demanding his resignation and the reformation of government. Student demonstrators criticized Chasan Sochib for his closeness to Suharto. He responded: ‘You know, Pak Harto (Suharto) is still our president. We should respect him!’ But his attitude changed when Suharto resigned. When students confronted him, he jumped on the Reformasi bandwagon. He quickly became reformed in utterance.
A favourable wind has blown for Chasan Sochib. The movement to establish Banten province began in February 1999, demanding the separation of the Banten area from West Java province. At first Chasan Sochib was far from supportive; his company was engaged in a large-scale road construction project by the West Java provincial government. When he realized that the movement had deep-rooted and wide support in Banten, he became an enthusiastic proponent. He became the general adviser to the Coordination Committee to Establish Banten Province (Bakor) in February 2000. Mass mobilization, money and lobbying the centre bore fruit. In October 2000, the law establishing Banten province passed in parliament. Thousands of Bantenese welcomed it and Chasan Sochib was on their side.
Entrenched power
Chasan Sochib turned to his old methods – reliance on jawara – to sway Banten province, first economically and then politically. Co-opted by the centrally appointed non-Bantenese province provisional governor to guarantee the security of the province, he was rewarded with numerous projects. He became the new Banten provincial branch head of Kadin and of Gapensi, and of the Construction Business Development Committee (LPJK).
He became politically powerful too. In December 2001, elections for provincial governor were held in the provincial parliament and a Javanese politician, Joko Munandar from the Development United Party (PPP) and Chasan Sochib’s political lay daughter, Atut Chosiyah from Golkar, won the governor and vice governorships. This would have been impossible without Chasan Sochib’s support and jawara pressure on parliamentarians.
Now Chasan Sochib could intervene in provincial government policies on personnel and budgeting. His construction company won tenders for the Banten Regional Police Headquarters, the Provincial Parliament, the Provincial Government Complex and several main roads at inflated prices. The provincial parliament is unable or unwilling to check his influence. Referring to the traditional market where Chasan Sochib and his associates have their offices, provincial legislators often say ‘We just wait for the agreement from the Rau’. Referring back to an earlier era, Chasan Sochib proudly stated: ‘I am actually the Governor-General. If he (Joko Munandar) goes wrong in leading Banten, I will correct him. As I am most responsible for him. He rose with my support.
Naturally there is opposition to
Chasan Sochib’s dominance in Banten. Ex-Bakor members have formed an anti-Chasan Sochib organisation, though it has remained ineffective thus far. Newspapers cannot be too critical of him; machetes may well be the reward for criticism. Conclusion The 2004 general election passed peacefully in Banten, though invalid votes reached two million out of about six million votes and jawara were dispersed to various parties. There was no large-scale violence as political parties committed themselves not to mobilize jawara. Chasan Sochib was one of the Golkar spokesmen. Golkar barely won with about 21% of the valid votes. Is this a problem for Chasan Sochib? Seemingly not, as he still keeps jawara in hand and holds top positions in business associations with his men on the board, keeps good relationships with the military and police and appoints his favourites to governorship.
Chasan Sochib or his successor’s dominance may fade if Bantenese stop considering jawara as legitimate leaders. If not, the same pattern will most likely continue.
Okamoto Masaaki is associate professor at the Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University, Japan. He is finishing his dissertation on local politics in decentralized Indonesia.
okamoto@cseas.kyoto-u.ac.jp
‘I am the governor general’ says local boss H.Tb. Chasan Sochib. He is a peculiar (or typical) type of local boss in decentralized Indonesia. How and why did he become so powerful?
By Okamoto Masaaki
Six years have passed since Soeharto’s fall paved the way for democratisation; three since Habibie’s rise opened the door to decentralization. While researchers have addressed local politics and decentralization in post-Suharto Indonesia, few have concentrated on the political dynamics and structures of any one locality. We have a general picture of regents (bupati) and mayors (walikota) behaving like ‘small kings’ (raja kecil) and local politicians desperate on bupati/walikota for money, but these do not provide a clear picture about who controls political and economic resources or how this takes place within the institutional setting of the regional autonomy law. The following sections trace the economic and political rise of one local boss in the Banten area: H.Tb. Chasan Sochib.
The New Order in Banten
The Banten area, previously a part of West Java province, is comprised of Serang, Lebak, Pandeglang and Tangerang regencies and the cities of Cilegon and Tangerang. The north is the rich industrial area while the south is poor and agricultural. The New Order regime in Banten cemented the ethnic divide between rulers and the ruled, which had its roots in the Dutch colonial period. Mainly Sundanese hold the important administrative and military positions of bupati, regional secretary and district military commander.
Bantenese informal leaders – Islamic teachers (ulama) and local strongmen (jawara) – were co opted into the political machines of the governing party, Golkar, in the early 1970s. In 1971 ulama were organized into the Ulama Work Squad (SatKar Ulama). Local Jawara were organized into the Martial Artist Work Squad (SatKar Pendekar) in 1972, renamed the Indonesian Union of Bantenese Men of Martial Arts, Art and Culture (PPPSBBI). Jawara are men of prowess in traditional selfdefence (silat) and wear black uniforms and carry machetes.
In Banten jawara are culturally recognized as robust and often reckless criminal types. The one hundred twenty- two PPPSBBI-affiliated silat schools in Banten were mobilized to support Golkar during the election, alongside the military and police. Chasan Sochib was the jawara who became the SatKar Pendekar’s general chairman and one of the executive committee members of the SatKar Ulama. He could act as a bridge between the military, bureaucracy and Golkar, and the Banten informal world. According to Chasan Sochib, three thousand jawara serve him and are on standby at all times.
Product of the New Order
Chasan Sochib was born in Serang regency in 1930. He attended Islamic boarding schools before joining a guerrilla warfare unit during the revolutionary period. His working life began in 1967, providing logistical support to the Siliwangi military division. Two years later he founded a construction company, PT Sinar Ciomas Raya, which frequently won government tenders for road and market construction projects. His involvements spread to the Krakatau Steel State Company, the largest steel company in Southeast Asia, and into tourism and real estate while holding key positions in associations such as the Regional and Central Chambers of Commerce and Trade (Kadin) and the Indonesian National Contractors’ Association (Gapensi), putting his men on their local executive committees. Certifications from Kadin and Gapensi are necessary for government procurement. Chasan Sochib utilized this to coordinate projects in theBanten area. Coordination brought him more money; jawara under his control became his (sub) contractors and received a share of his profits.
Chasan Sochib’s activities are not limited to the jawara and business worlds. One of the founders of a private university and the Banten Museum, he remains the head of the Serang branch of Generation ‘45 (the committee for exindependent war fighters). He has become powerful in all aspects of Bantenese life; thus outsiders appointed as top bureaucrats relied on him and his network as a bridge to the Bantenese world. The fall of Suharto in May 1997 changed this informal governing system. Chasan Sochib, product of the New Order, was endangered.
Birth of the reformed Chasan Sochib The Reformasi echoed in Banten. Students mounted a nationwide protest movement against Suharto and his regime, demanding his resignation and the reformation of government. Student demonstrators criticized Chasan Sochib for his closeness to Suharto. He responded: ‘You know, Pak Harto (Suharto) is still our president. We should respect him!’ But his attitude changed when Suharto resigned. When students confronted him, he jumped on the Reformasi bandwagon. He quickly became reformed in utterance.
A favourable wind has blown for Chasan Sochib. The movement to establish Banten province began in February 1999, demanding the separation of the Banten area from West Java province. At first Chasan Sochib was far from supportive; his company was engaged in a large-scale road construction project by the West Java provincial government. When he realized that the movement had deep-rooted and wide support in Banten, he became an enthusiastic proponent. He became the general adviser to the Coordination Committee to Establish Banten Province (Bakor) in February 2000. Mass mobilization, money and lobbying the centre bore fruit. In October 2000, the law establishing Banten province passed in parliament. Thousands of Bantenese welcomed it and Chasan Sochib was on their side.
Entrenched power
Chasan Sochib turned to his old methods – reliance on jawara – to sway Banten province, first economically and then politically. Co-opted by the centrally appointed non-Bantenese province provisional governor to guarantee the security of the province, he was rewarded with numerous projects. He became the new Banten provincial branch head of Kadin and of Gapensi, and of the Construction Business Development Committee (LPJK).
He became politically powerful too. In December 2001, elections for provincial governor were held in the provincial parliament and a Javanese politician, Joko Munandar from the Development United Party (PPP) and Chasan Sochib’s political lay daughter, Atut Chosiyah from Golkar, won the governor and vice governorships. This would have been impossible without Chasan Sochib’s support and jawara pressure on parliamentarians.
Now Chasan Sochib could intervene in provincial government policies on personnel and budgeting. His construction company won tenders for the Banten Regional Police Headquarters, the Provincial Parliament, the Provincial Government Complex and several main roads at inflated prices. The provincial parliament is unable or unwilling to check his influence. Referring to the traditional market where Chasan Sochib and his associates have their offices, provincial legislators often say ‘We just wait for the agreement from the Rau’. Referring back to an earlier era, Chasan Sochib proudly stated: ‘I am actually the Governor-General. If he (Joko Munandar) goes wrong in leading Banten, I will correct him. As I am most responsible for him. He rose with my support.
Naturally there is opposition to
Chasan Sochib’s dominance in Banten. Ex-Bakor members have formed an anti-Chasan Sochib organisation, though it has remained ineffective thus far. Newspapers cannot be too critical of him; machetes may well be the reward for criticism. Conclusion The 2004 general election passed peacefully in Banten, though invalid votes reached two million out of about six million votes and jawara were dispersed to various parties. There was no large-scale violence as political parties committed themselves not to mobilize jawara. Chasan Sochib was one of the Golkar spokesmen. Golkar barely won with about 21% of the valid votes. Is this a problem for Chasan Sochib? Seemingly not, as he still keeps jawara in hand and holds top positions in business associations with his men on the board, keeps good relationships with the military and police and appoints his favourites to governorship.
Chasan Sochib or his successor’s dominance may fade if Bantenese stop considering jawara as legitimate leaders. If not, the same pattern will most likely continue.
Okamoto Masaaki is associate professor at the Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University, Japan. He is finishing his dissertation on local politics in decentralized Indonesia.
okamoto@cseas.kyoto-u.ac.jp
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